By Martin Mevius
After 1945, kingdom patriotism of the communist regimes in jap Europe was once characterised by way of the frequent use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the social gathering (MKP) greatly celebrated nationwide vacation trips, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide road names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its beginning within the 'national line' of the Comintern, verified on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin known as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans via issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage persevered after 1945 whilst, as an reduction within the fight for energy, the MKP offered itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the international locations' and the 'only real consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. satirically notwithstanding, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major hindrances to its luck because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering research finds that what had began as a tactical degree in 1941 had turn into the self-image of get together and kingdom in 1953 and that the last word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide celebration - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.
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Additional info for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
According to the ‘twenty-one conditions for admission to the Comintern’ member parties had to organize themselves on the basis of the same ‘democratic centralism’ as the Bolsheviks, and two-thirds of the Central Committees of these parties had to consist of communists loyal to the Comintern. Point declared all decisions of the Executive Committee of the Comintern (ECCI) binding, and the ECCI had the right to send representatives with far-reaching powers to the parties. Additionally, every party was unconditionally expected to aid ‘any Soviet republic’ that requested help.
The Central Committee of the VKP(b) established the Bureau for War Political Propaganda and the Political Administration of the Red Army, GLAVPURKKA, formed a wartime subdivision for special propaganda. 30 The Comintern provided special instructors, with knowledge of national languages, cultures, and traditions, to send into the prisoner of war camps. 31 From that month onward, ECCI secretary Manuilski directed a movement for prisoners of war to sign a declaration against the ‘aggressive politics of Fascist Germany’.
The anniversary of the French Revolution had been a right-wing celebration since the First World War, but was celebrated by the left at the ﬁrst great demonstration of the Popular Front on July . 58 At the Seventh Congress, Thorez echoed Dimitrov in his own address: ‘The reactionary press has fulminated against the presence of the tricolour beside the red ﬂag at the head of the demonstration of July. . ’59 The PCF, previously opposed to any expenditure on armaments, now called for increases in spending to defend the Fatherland.
Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs) by Martin Mevius